The Founding Fathers and Islam

Library Papers Show Early Tolerance for Muslim Faith


With more than 55 million items, the Library’s Manuscript Division
contains the papers of 23 presidents, from George Washington to Calvin
Coolidge. In this article, Manuscript Division Chief James Hutson draws
upon the papers of Washington, Thomas Jefferson and other primary documents
to discuss the relationship of Islam to the new nation.

A selection from Jefferson’s autobiography where he
expresses satisfaction over the Virginia legislature’s expression of tolerance
in its Bill for Establishing Religious Freedom.

Many Muslims feel unwelcome in the United States in the aftermath of September
11, according to newspaper reports. Anecdotal evidence suggests that substantial
numbers of Americans view their Muslim neighbors as an alien presence outside
the limits of American life and history. While other minorities—African Americans,
Hispanics and Native Americans—were living within the boundaries of the present
United States from the earliest days of the nation, Muslims are perceived
to have had no part in the American experience.

Readers may be surprised to learn that there may have been hundreds, perhaps
thousands, of Muslims in the United States in 1776—imported as slaves from
areas of Africa where Islam flourished. Although there is no evidence that
the Founders were aware of the religious convictions of their bondsmen, it
is clear that the Founding Fathers thought about the relationship of Islam
to the new nation and were prepared to make a place for it in the republic.

In his seminal Letter on Toleration (1689), John Locke insisted that Muslims
and all others who believed in God be tolerated in England. Campaigning for
religious freedom in Virginia, Jefferson followed Locke, his idol, in demanding
recognition of the religious rights of the "Mahamdan," the Jew and the "pagan."
Supporting Jefferson was his old ally, Richard Henry Lee, who had made a
motion in Congress on June 7, 1776, that the American colonies declare independence.
"True freedom," Lee asserted, "embraces the Mahomitan and the Gentoo (Hindu)
as well as the Christian religion."

In his autobiography, Jefferson recounted with satisfaction that in the
struggle to pass his landmark Bill for Establishing Religious Freedom (1786),
the Virginia legislature "rejected by a great majority" an effort to limit
the bill’s scope "in proof that they meant to comprehend, within the mantle
of its protection, the Jew and the Gentile, the Christian and Mahometan."
George Washington suggested a way for Muslims to "obtain proper relief" from
a proposed Virginia bill, laying taxes to support Christian worship. On another
occasion, the first president declared that he would welcome "Mohometans"
to Mount Vernon if they were "good workmen" (see page 96). Officials in Massachusetts
were equally insistent that their influential Constitution of 1780 afforded
"the most ample liberty of conscience … to Deists, Mahometans, Jews and Christians,"
a point that Chief Justice Theophilus Parsons resoundingly affirmed in 1810.

Toward Islam itself the Founding generation held differing views. An evangelical
Baptist spokesman denounced "Mahomet" as a "hateful" figure who, unlike the
meek and gentle Jesus, spread his religion at the point of a sword. A Presbyterian
preacher in rural South Carolina dusted off Grotius’ 17th century reproach
that the "religion of Mahomet originated in arms, breathes nothing but arms,
is propagated by arms." Other, more influential observers had a different
view of Muslims. In 1783, the president of Yale College, Ezra Stiles, cited
a study showing that "Mohammadan" morals were "far superior to the Christian."
Another New Englander believed that the "moral principles that were inculcated
by their teachers had a happy tendency to render them good members of society."
The reference here, as other commentators made clear, was to Islam’s belief,
which it shared with Christianity, in a "future state of rewards and punishments,"
a system of celestial carrots and sticks which the Founding generation considered
necessary to guarantee good social conduct.

George Washington’s 1785 letter wherein he declared
that he would welcome "Mohometans" to Mount Vernon if they were "good

"A Mahometan," wrote a Boston newspaper columnist, "is excited to the practice
of good morals in hopes that after the resurrection he shall enjoy the beautiful
girls of paradise to all eternity; he is afraid to commit murder, adultery
and theft, lest he should be cast into hell, where he must drink scalding
water and the scum of the damned." Benjamin Rush, the Pennsylvania signer
of the Declaration of Independence and friend of Adams and Jefferson, applauded
this feature of Islam, asserting that he had "rather see the opinions of
Confucius or Mohammed inculcated upon our youth than see them grow up wholly
devoid of a system of religious principles."

That ordinary citizens shared these positive views is demonstrated by a
petition of a group of citizens of Chesterfield County, Va., to the state
assembly, Nov. 14, 1785: "Let Jews, Mehometans and Christians of every denomination
enjoy religious liberty…thrust them not out now by establishing the Christian
religion lest thereby we become our own enemys and weaken this infant state.
It is mens labour in our Manufactories, their services by sea and land that
aggrandize our Country and not their creeds. Chain your citizens to the state
by their Interest. Let Jews, Mehometans, and Christians of every denomination
find their advantage in living under your laws."

The Founders of this nation explicitly included Islam in their vision of
the future of the republic. Freedom of religion, as they conceived it, encompassed
it. Adherents of the faith were, with some exceptions, regarded as men and
women who would make law-abiding, productive citizens. Far from fearing Islam,
the Founders would have incorporated it into the fabric of American life.

H. Hutson is chief of the Manuscript Division and the author of many
books, including, most recently, "Religion and the Founding of the
American Republic," 1998.

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